Tag: Cyril Ramaphosa

Fired Moyane demands reinstatement

Source: Fin24

Axed SARS boss Tom Moyane has written to President Cyril Ramaphosa demanding that Ramaphosa withdraw his letter of termination to Moyane before the end of the week.

In a letter issued via his attorney Eric Mabuza on Tuesday, Moyane gave Ramaphosa a deadline of 12 noon on Friday November 9 to withdraw the termination on grounds that the president’s conduct was “irrational, unlawful and invalid”.

“[W]e are instructed to demand, as we hereby do, that you must forthwith withdraw your letter of termination dated 1 November 2018, restore the status quo which obtained before the service thereof (i.e. that our client is suspended with pay pending the outcome of the Disciplinary Inquiry) and duly await the outcome of the pending Constitutional Court application and/or the Disciplinary Inquiry,” the letter reads.

Last week the Presidency confirmed that President Cyril Ramaphosa had fired Tom Moyane as the commissioner of the South African Revenue Service (SARS).

Ramaphosa had heeded the recommendations of the Nugent Commission of Inquiry, which submitted its interim report at the end of September.

Retired judge Robert Nugent and his assistants unanimously agreed that Moyane does not have the character of a person fit to lead Sars and he should be removed from office as a matter of urgency.

By Bekezela Phakathi with Andries Mahlangu for Business Day

The government will reprioritise about R50bn within its existing budget to reignite economic growth and create jobs, President Cyril Ramaphosa said last Friday.

Presenting the government’s much-anticipated grand plan to kick-start SA’s stalling economy, Ramaphosa also announced the establishment of an infrastructure fund that is a core part of the package. He said R400bn will be leveraged from various development finance institutions, pension funds and ordinary investors, among others over the medium term to drive the infrastructure fund.

“We are establishing a dedicated infrastructure team in the presidency that has project management and engineering skills which will identify shovel-ready public sector projects such as roads and dams,” Ramaphosa said during a briefing at the Union Buildings.

“We have limited fiscal space to increase spending or increase borrowing … we do not have have fiscal space to pour money in the economy … we have to resort to re-prioritising our spending and budget within the current fiscal frame work,” the president said.

The package also includes the new Mining Charter, major changes to visa requirements to boost the tourism sector, the development of industrial parks and township businesses, and reforms in the telecommunications industry, particularly the release of spectrum to create competition and drive down the cost of data.

“The stimulus package consists of a range of measures, financial and non-financial, to ignite economic activity and restore investor confidence, and prevent further job losses, and create new jobs,” Ramaphosa said.

The measures give priority to those sectors that can revive the economy, including agriculture.
Ramaphosa said more details on how the budget will be reprioritised will be provided when finance minister Nhlanhla Nene presents the medium-term budget policy statement. Nene said most of the funds for the stimulus package would be moved from under-performing departments.

Ramaphosa first proposed the stimulus package in July, in a bid to boost SA’s sluggish economy and tackle the unemployment crisis, which at just more than 27% remains a major headache for the government more than two decades since the official fall of apartheid. However, Ramaphosa’s plan to reignite growth was dealt a heavy blow with shock second-quarter GDP data indicating that SA had entered a technical recession.

The rand extended gains and government borrowing costs fell following the speech. The rand was at R14.22 against the dollar, its best level in about four weeks, while the yield on the benchmark R186 bond was at 9.03% from 9.08%.

Cyril reshuffles cabinet

President Cyril Ramaphosa has fired 10 ministers from his cabinet, moved some to other portfolios and appointed David Mabuza as his deputy.

Ramaphosa announced the changes in a late-night address at the Union Buildings on Monday night.

It was bound to be a tough balancing act for President Ramaphosa, as he moved to strengthen his team in government, appease his supporters who backed him in the race for ANC president and give just enough to those seen as Jacob Zuma’s allies, who he may need as his party looks to retain control of government in next year’s national elections.

He also had to ensure the new cabinet is one which speaks to the ANC’s theme of unity, while ensuring those so-called “Gupta ministers” implicated in state capture are ousted.

Ramaphosa indicated he would retain existing ministries and departments until a review of the configuration, size and number of national government departments is completed.

The president has explained why he made the changes.

“These changes are intended to ensure that national government is better equipped to continue implementing the mandate of this administration and specifically the tasks identified in the State of the National Address.

“In making these changes, I’ve been very conscious of the need to balance continuity and stability for the need for renewal, economic recovery and accelerated growth in our country.”

Ramaphosa has moved Nomvula Mokonyane to the Department of Communications, Jeff Radebe to Energy, Naledi Pandor to Higher Education, Malusi Gigaba back to Home Affairs, Lindiwe Sisulu to International Relations.

Gwede Mantashe has been brought in as the minister of Mineral Resources, Bheki as minister of Police, Blade Nzimande is brought back as Transport minister and the minister in the Presidency responsible for Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation is Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma.

The much-criticised Bathabile Dlamini remains in the corridors of power, moving to The Presidency, where she will work under Ramaphosa’s eye. Dlamini is moved to the portfolio of women, in a straight swap with Susan Shabangu, who will now head up the Social Development department.

Derek Hanekom, who was ousted by Jacob Zuma after he emerged as one of the former president’s fiercest critics, goes back to Tourism, while Zweli Mkhize goes to Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs.

DD’S RECORD

David “DD” Mabuza, also known as “The cat” – a reference to his numerous political lives – comes to the deputy presidency with a cupboard full of skeletons.

As a young activist in his home province of Mpumalanga, he was once accused of being an apartheid spy, a claim which has been revived by his mentor-turned-nemesis Mathews Phosa.

Mabuza was fired as Education MEC by Phosa in the 1990s for infamously inflating matric results in Mpumalanga.

As premier in that province he was engulfed in tender scandals and linked to a land claims scam.

His name has also been associated with a string of political assassinations in Mpumalanga, although he has never been criminally charged.

DD Mabuza’s greatest hurdle will be his own crisis of credibility as he assumes the position of deputy president.

So, who got the chop?

Fikile Mbalula

Faith Muthambi

Mosebenzi Zwane

Des van Rooyen

Lynne Brown

Bongani Bongo

Hlengiwe Mkhize

Nkosinathi Nhleko

David Mahlobo

Joe Maswanganyi

By Clement Manyathela for EWN 

Even before being elected as South Africa’s new president, Cyril Ramaphosa was a people person, joining some for walks, and then jogging along Sea Point promenade. He is clearly liked, but for how long will that honeymoon last?

Coming after the extended period of uncertainty in South Africa resulting from Jacob Zuma’s reluctance to resign, Cyril Ramaphosa’s first State of the Nation address restored dignity and decorum to Parliament, and pressed all the right buttons.

He was gracious to all (even giving thanks to Zuma for facilitating what the ANC has termed “the transition”), before launching into the delivery of a peroration which proclaimed the breaking of a new dawn. South Africa’s “moment of hope”, which was to be founded on the legacy of Nelson Mandela, had returned.

Ramaphosa combined extensive tribute to the heroes of the ANC’s liberation Struggle with the gospel of social inclusion according to the holy writ of the Freedom Charter. This was time to move beyond the recent period of discord, disunity and disillusionment.

The speech was delivered with panache and confidence. It had style, declaring to the nation and the world that he, Cyril Ramaphosa, was in charge.

But along with the style, there was the solid substance. The overall impression was that Ramaphosa intends to impose a new coherence and efficiency on government. Although acknowledging the calamity of the dismally low rate of economic growth, he was upbeat about the future, about the reviving fortunes of the commodities market, and the upturn in the markets.

Deservedly, Ramaphosa was to be allowed to enjoy the applause, as opposition members rose to their feet alongside the ANC MPs to give him a standing ovation which went far beyond ceremonial ritual. After the disaster of Zuma, it would seem to have given a massive fillip to South African pride and confidence.

It also gave the opposition parties a problem. With Zuma gone and a credible ANC president in place, they are facing an uphill electoral battle.

The new president committed to ensuring ethical behaviour and leadership, and to a refusal to tolerate the plunder of resources by public employees or theft and exploitation by private businesses. Critically, this would entail a transformation in the way that state-owned enterprises such as the power utility Eskom would be run.

There would be a new beginning at state-owned enterprises. They would no longer be allowed to borrow their way out of their financial difficulties. Competent people would be appointed to their boards, and there would be an appropriate distancing of their strategic role from operational management. And board members would be barred from any involvement in procurement.

This would all be part and parcel of a much wider reconfiguration of government, presumably a code for the reduction in the number of departments and a reduction in the size of ministerial ranks.

Ramaphosa also committed to hands-on government, promising he would be visiting each department over the forthcoming year.

The forging of a social compact between government, business and labour would define the new era. A part of it would come from a new presidential economic advisory council. There would be summits for jobs and investment; convening of a youth working group to promote youth enterprise and employment and a summit for the social sector to forge a new consensus with NGOs and civil society.

This would add up to the construction of a “capable state” to foster much needed economic recovery. There would be concerted efforts to promote and aid small and medium business and revive manufacturing. Stress was laid on the importance of arriving at consensus around a mining charter, a document designed to guide transformation in this industry.

Due reference was made to preparing South Africa to embrace the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions and the encouragement of scientific innovation and new technology. And there was an explicit undertaking from Ramaphosa that he would take personal responsibility to ensure social grants be paid. And “no individual person in government” would be allowed to obstruct social grants delivery, a brutal, albeit indirect, put-down of the minister concerned.

The one aspect of the speech which would have raised eyebrows among the Davos crowd was Ramaphosa’s re-iteration of the ANC government’s commitment to the expropriation of land without compensation as part of radical economic transformation. This highlighted the ANC’s proposed change to the constitution adopted at its recent national conference.

But that commitment was also fudged by linking any expropriation to ensuring agricultural production and food security. Cynics may argue that this was simply a form of words. In the context of Ramaphosa’s general investment seeking demeanour, agricultural capital and international business are unlikely to be unduly alarmed. But if they are wise, they will take it as a warning to come to the party of “social transformation”.

Ramaphosa has played a long game since he was passed over for president in the mid-’90s in favour of Thabo Mbeki. After playing a key role in crafting the constitution, he left politics, made a lot of money by spearheading the first round of black economic empowerment, and then returned to politics to play what must at times have been a mortifying role as deputy president under Zuma.

He suffered a great deal of criticism for being complicit in the Zuma-era corruption because of his silence – silence he would have reckoned was necessary to secure his rise to the top.

Clearly, Ramaphosa is not above criticism. He is no saint. He lives in the shadow of the massacre of miners at Marikana. Only towards the end of the ANC leadership race did he let fly against corruption and state capture.

Yet it could so easily have been so different. What would the mood have been now if Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma had won the ANC leadership?

Few would have been convinced that she would have been able or willing to leave the legacy of the corruption of the Zuma years behind. In contrast, although there is extensive acknowledgement that Ramaphosa will meet considerable opposition from within the ANC patronage machine if he is to realise his ambitions, he has indeed provided hope.

Yet the irony is that we need to pay due deference to David Mabuza, premier of the province of Mpumalanga.

If it had not been for his last moment tactic of throwing his provincial delegates’ votes behind Ramaphosa at the ANC conference to thwart a Dlamini Zuma victory at the ANC national conference, South Africa would be having to face a very different future.

In true ANC style, the irony is that the moment of hope was facilitated by someone who has been portrayed, even from within the party, as a political hoodlum.

By Roger Southall for The Conversation, published on IOL

Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa could be the next casualty of a cabinet reshuffle‚ an insider has told news channel eNCA.

James Motlatsi‚ who formed the powerful National Union of Mineworkers with Ramaphosa and others‚ said he had learnt that President Jacob Zuma would use an intelligence report to justify axing Ramaphosa.

“Let me say to you‚ unconfirmed reports are saying that [this will happen] very soon. This issue‚ Cyril even raised it in a meeting. We have been told by other people that the president himself‚ he is saying Cyril is a spy of Western capitalists‚ so we are waiting for that intelligence report to come out for him‚” Motlatsi said.

Zuma used a similar report to oust Pravin Gordhan and Mcebisi Jonas from the finance ministry earlier this year‚ ANC leaders have said.

President Jacob Zuma again defied ANC advice and reshuffled his cabinet. On Tuesday he announced another cabinet shake-up‚ the second this year.

He removed SA Communist Party general secretary Blade Nzimande as education minister and swapped around five other portfolios.

The reshuffle has been condemned by opposition parties.

The SACP said it was a direct attack on the party‚ which has called for Zuma’s resignation.

Motlatse said the exercise was an act of retribution on Zuma’s part.

“It’s political revenge because the SACP‚ not only Blade‚ had already taken a stance that the president should step down. So‚ instead of engaging the SACP‚ he would like to punish the SACP.”

Source: Times Live

Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa has taken the gloves off in the contest to become the nation’s next leader, delivering a scathing speech criticising “the rot” and widespread patronage plaguing the ruling African National Congress.

Ramaphosa stopped short of openly declaring his candidacy to succeed President Jacob Zuma, 75, in a speech on Sunday, but his address left no doubt that his campaign is now firmly under way. He made several thinly veiled attacks on Zuma, who’s indicated that he’s backing his former wife and mother of four of his children, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, for the top post.

Dlamini-Zuma, who’s spent the past few weeks traversing the country drumming up support while guarded by the presidential protection unit, took an early edge in the race to succeed Zuma as ANC leader in December while Ramaphosa had run a subdued campaign, said Ralph Mathekga, an analyst at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection, a Johannesburg-based research group.

“It’s becoming clear that he wants the position of party president,” Mathekga said. “He’s become more decisive and could inflict damage to the campaign of Zuma’s preferred candidate.”

A lawyer who co-founded the National Union of Mineworkers, Ramaphosa, 64, helped negotiate a peaceful end to apartheid and draft South Africa’s first democratic constitution. He lost out to Thabo Mbeki in the contest to succeed Nelson Mandela as president in 1999 and went into business, securing control of the McDonald’s franchise in South Africa and amassing a fortune before returning to full-time politics in 2012 as the ANC’s deputy leader.

Gordhan’s firing

Appointed as the nation’s deputy president in 2014, Ramaphosa has spent much of his tenure defending the ANC and government in the face of a series of scandals implicating Zuma. He publicly disagreed with his boss for the first time this month after Zuma fired Pravin Gordhan as finance minister, prompting S&P Global Ratings and Fitch Ratings to downgrade the country’s credit rating to junk.

In his speech delivered at a memorial service for the late South African Communist Party leader Chris Hani, Ramaphosa backed a recommendation by the former graft ombudsman that a judicial commission investigate if members of the Gupta family, who are friends with the president and are in business with his son, unduly benefited from state contracts and tried to influence Cabinet appointments. Zuma and the Guptas have denied wrongdoing.

“The allegations that there are private individuals who exercise undue influence over state appointments and procurement decisions should be a matter of grave concern to the movement,” Ramaphosa said. “These practices threaten the integrity of the state, undermine our economic progress and diminish our ability to change the lives of the poor.”

Mcebisi Jonas, the former deputy finance minister who alleged that the Guptas offered him a promotion in exchange for preferential treatment, also spoke at the memorial service.

‘Pretend rules’

ANC rules discourage members from openly lobbying for leadership posts, and say they should await nomination from its branches before declaring their availability. Several senior party leaders have called for the regulations to be changed.

“We know those are ‘pretend rules’ and nobody actually plays by them,” said Susan Booysen, a professor at the University of the Witwatersrand’s School of Governance. “The rules are there to protect the incumbent and their chosen successor.”

The ANC has won more than 60% of the vote in every national election since it took power in the first multiracial one in 1994, placing its next leader in pole position to become the nation’s next president in 2019 when Zuma is due to step down. The party will hold its internal elections at a December 16-20 conference in Johannesburg.

Anger, disappointment

“Ramaphosa realises that this is the moment to come out because there is general support for him and it comes in the context of anger and disappointment and people wondering why on earth he has not come out to declare his candidacy,” Booysen said.

Ronnie Mamoepa, Ramaphosa’s spokesperson, said he couldn’t comment on party matters.

Dlamini-Zuma, 68, had an early edge in the succession battle, according to 11 of 26 analysts surveyed by Bloomberg on February 13 and 14, while 10 put Ramaphosa ahead, and five said the contest was too early to select a front-runner.

Ramaphosa still faces major obstacles in his bid for the ANC’s top job. While he’s received the support of the main labour federation, Dlamini-Zuma has the public backing of the ANC’s Women’s League and part of the party youth league, and can expect the endorsement of three premiers of three rural provinces known as the “premier league” who are allied with Zuma.

Marikana killings

There was a public uproar in 2012 when Ramaphosa made a failed R19.5m bid for a buffalo cow and calf at a game auction, a move opposition parties said was scandalous given the country’s enduring poverty.

The killing of 34 protesters by police at Lonmin’s Marikana platinum mine in 2012 following days of violent strike action also dented Ramaphosa’s image. While he called the labour action “dastardly criminal” in an email a day before the shooting and urged police to take “concomitant action”, a commission of inquiry cleared him of wrongdoing. A company he led had a stake in the mine.

Under Zuma, the ANC suffered its worst electoral performance since the end of apartheid in municipal elections in August, losing control of Pretoria, the capital, and the economic hub of Johannesburg.

While Ramaphosa still needs to build his support base, the fact that he’s made it clear he’s in the race should bolster his chances, according to Mathekga.

“People can see he is a real option,” he said.

By Amogelang Mbatha and Mike Cohen for www.fin24.co.za

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