Tag: ANC

 

By Herman Mashaba for News24

ANC politicians that once ruled the City of Johannesburg have to count among the greatest illusionists of modern times.

This is because they successfully managed to fool millions of residents in the city into believing that, despite clear evidence witnessed daily of below par service delivery, the ANC in Johannesburg was somehow better than their counterparts around the country.

People were duped into the belief that the City worked better than others, even if it was far from perfect.

Why not, right?

After all, ratings agencies, other government agencies and the commentariat also bought into the idea.

Who can really blame residents of the city, and everyone else for that matter, when R300m was being spent in a single year on self-promoting marketing?

What was Parks Tau and company doing spending the sort of money usually spent by JSE-listed blue chip companies on marketing and advertising?

The sad thing is that this was all public money from which the same public derived little or no benefit.

You must remember the volume of billboards across the city depicting perfect services. You must surely remember the radio advertisements – it was actually a feat to miss them. You must remember the full page spreads in the papers.

All of this depicting the Utopian ‘World Class African City’ which was markedly different from the lived experience of the residents of our city.

The leadership of Parks Tau and the ANC was obsessed with this manufactured image, mostly to fulfil their status in the many international bodies where they spent their time.

Tau now travels the world as President of the United Cities and Local Government; no doubt a consolation prize for the good job he did in pulling the wool over the eyes of even the international community.

However, upon entering office, we started to gain an understanding of the full magnitude of the historical failures that lay behind the billboards, radio adverts and newspaper spreads.

We began to understand that the previous ANC regime was all style over substance. They proved that not all that glitters is gold.

Since walking into office, it has become imperative that we must work together with our residents in turning the city around. Part of this, requires the common understanding of the scale of the issues we are required to overcome.

It also requires an appreciation that residents will not always be bombarded with self-praising advertisements and that this does not mean that the DA-led government is not working.

It’s precisely because we are working that you do not always see us as much as you would like.

If we do not share this understanding, we will fail to partner as residents, business and communities to turn Johannesburg into a city of golden opportunities.

Meanwhile, a R12bn backlog in our roads has arisen from years of under-investment in our road network. Between 2013 and 2017, 3964 km of the road network (32%) fell into the condition categories poor and very poor.

A R56bn backlog in our storm water drainage exacerbates the roads problem. Water running down the roads, with nowhere to go, damages the road structure and increases potholes.

Anyone who has driven since the recent heavy rains two weeks ago will know exactly what I am alluding to. It is estimated that the city has more than 100 000 reported potholes in the road network.

Our electrical infrastructure is no better.

Over 27% of our bulk transformers now operate beyond their useful lifespan, built between 1927 and 1970.

In the instance of the inner city, it is powered by a sub-station that is over 70 years old and only one man alive today knows how to service its parts. Our electrical infrastructure backlog sits at a staggering R65bn.

Our water network can be likened to that cartoon character with their fingers and toes plugging the leaks of a ship. The 2016/17 data, which is two years old, shows that the water network inherited suffered from 45 000 leaks per year. This in a situation where we know water will be a challenge in the future.

Our housing backlog stands officially at 152 000 people on our lists, and a demand for 300 000 City produced housing opportunities.

Incidentally, the R17bn of fraud and corruption under investigation would have been enough to build houses for all of these people.

The unofficial backlog, including those in the ‘missing-middle’ of the housing market, is much, much larger. It manifests in the legacy of landlessness, illegal land occupation and frustration in our communities.

This is something I do not understand, despite wracking my brain over the issue for the last 18 months.

How could a city have been run down to this extent, allowed to deteriorate, when the link between infrastructure and economic growth is so widely accepted around the world?

We have over 900 000 unemployed people living in Johannesburg. These people were failed by successive ANC governments which failed to look to the long-term future of those they claimed to be serving and the many more that stand to join them unless something drastic is done.

I do not raise these issues to settle down into a morbid state of depression.

Our plans that we are launching are designed to institute long-term investment into these infrastructure priorities. We will achieve a level of investment into critical infrastructure which will work towards turning the picture around, and not just plugging the leaks, so to speak.

This is why I say that this is the greatest lie hidden from the residents of Johannesburg.

They were never told about the trade-offs that were made which produced these kind of backlogs. In all of those rosy public consultation meetings, our residents weren’t told government would trade future jobs in exchange for fanciful projects.

Our residents were told that international reputation and prestige would come before houses, roads, electricity and water. Our residents were not told any of these things.

The road we will begin travelling down as a City, is going to transform ours into a city of golden opportunities; a city where infrastructure works, the economy is growing and more people are being employed.

What remains critical in this process is that we embark on this journey together, knowing we have been misled, that we have a mountain to climb, but that government has the will to do it for the first time.

– Mashaba is executive mayor of the City of Johannesburg

Even before being elected as South Africa’s new president, Cyril Ramaphosa was a people person, joining some for walks, and then jogging along Sea Point promenade. He is clearly liked, but for how long will that honeymoon last?

Coming after the extended period of uncertainty in South Africa resulting from Jacob Zuma’s reluctance to resign, Cyril Ramaphosa’s first State of the Nation address restored dignity and decorum to Parliament, and pressed all the right buttons.

He was gracious to all (even giving thanks to Zuma for facilitating what the ANC has termed “the transition”), before launching into the delivery of a peroration which proclaimed the breaking of a new dawn. South Africa’s “moment of hope”, which was to be founded on the legacy of Nelson Mandela, had returned.

Ramaphosa combined extensive tribute to the heroes of the ANC’s liberation Struggle with the gospel of social inclusion according to the holy writ of the Freedom Charter. This was time to move beyond the recent period of discord, disunity and disillusionment.

The speech was delivered with panache and confidence. It had style, declaring to the nation and the world that he, Cyril Ramaphosa, was in charge.

But along with the style, there was the solid substance. The overall impression was that Ramaphosa intends to impose a new coherence and efficiency on government. Although acknowledging the calamity of the dismally low rate of economic growth, he was upbeat about the future, about the reviving fortunes of the commodities market, and the upturn in the markets.

Deservedly, Ramaphosa was to be allowed to enjoy the applause, as opposition members rose to their feet alongside the ANC MPs to give him a standing ovation which went far beyond ceremonial ritual. After the disaster of Zuma, it would seem to have given a massive fillip to South African pride and confidence.

It also gave the opposition parties a problem. With Zuma gone and a credible ANC president in place, they are facing an uphill electoral battle.

The new president committed to ensuring ethical behaviour and leadership, and to a refusal to tolerate the plunder of resources by public employees or theft and exploitation by private businesses. Critically, this would entail a transformation in the way that state-owned enterprises such as the power utility Eskom would be run.

There would be a new beginning at state-owned enterprises. They would no longer be allowed to borrow their way out of their financial difficulties. Competent people would be appointed to their boards, and there would be an appropriate distancing of their strategic role from operational management. And board members would be barred from any involvement in procurement.

This would all be part and parcel of a much wider reconfiguration of government, presumably a code for the reduction in the number of departments and a reduction in the size of ministerial ranks.

Ramaphosa also committed to hands-on government, promising he would be visiting each department over the forthcoming year.

The forging of a social compact between government, business and labour would define the new era. A part of it would come from a new presidential economic advisory council. There would be summits for jobs and investment; convening of a youth working group to promote youth enterprise and employment and a summit for the social sector to forge a new consensus with NGOs and civil society.

This would add up to the construction of a “capable state” to foster much needed economic recovery. There would be concerted efforts to promote and aid small and medium business and revive manufacturing. Stress was laid on the importance of arriving at consensus around a mining charter, a document designed to guide transformation in this industry.

Due reference was made to preparing South Africa to embrace the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions and the encouragement of scientific innovation and new technology. And there was an explicit undertaking from Ramaphosa that he would take personal responsibility to ensure social grants be paid. And “no individual person in government” would be allowed to obstruct social grants delivery, a brutal, albeit indirect, put-down of the minister concerned.

The one aspect of the speech which would have raised eyebrows among the Davos crowd was Ramaphosa’s re-iteration of the ANC government’s commitment to the expropriation of land without compensation as part of radical economic transformation. This highlighted the ANC’s proposed change to the constitution adopted at its recent national conference.

But that commitment was also fudged by linking any expropriation to ensuring agricultural production and food security. Cynics may argue that this was simply a form of words. In the context of Ramaphosa’s general investment seeking demeanour, agricultural capital and international business are unlikely to be unduly alarmed. But if they are wise, they will take it as a warning to come to the party of “social transformation”.

Ramaphosa has played a long game since he was passed over for president in the mid-’90s in favour of Thabo Mbeki. After playing a key role in crafting the constitution, he left politics, made a lot of money by spearheading the first round of black economic empowerment, and then returned to politics to play what must at times have been a mortifying role as deputy president under Zuma.

He suffered a great deal of criticism for being complicit in the Zuma-era corruption because of his silence – silence he would have reckoned was necessary to secure his rise to the top.

Clearly, Ramaphosa is not above criticism. He is no saint. He lives in the shadow of the massacre of miners at Marikana. Only towards the end of the ANC leadership race did he let fly against corruption and state capture.

Yet it could so easily have been so different. What would the mood have been now if Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma had won the ANC leadership?

Few would have been convinced that she would have been able or willing to leave the legacy of the corruption of the Zuma years behind. In contrast, although there is extensive acknowledgement that Ramaphosa will meet considerable opposition from within the ANC patronage machine if he is to realise his ambitions, he has indeed provided hope.

Yet the irony is that we need to pay due deference to David Mabuza, premier of the province of Mpumalanga.

If it had not been for his last moment tactic of throwing his provincial delegates’ votes behind Ramaphosa at the ANC conference to thwart a Dlamini Zuma victory at the ANC national conference, South Africa would be having to face a very different future.

In true ANC style, the irony is that the moment of hope was facilitated by someone who has been portrayed, even from within the party, as a political hoodlum.

By Roger Southall for The Conversation, published on IOL

In November 2017, the government announced additional steps it would take to reduce its budget deficit by R40bn in the 2018–19 financial year, through reducing expenditure by R25bn and increasing revenue by R15bn.

This was in addition to R15bn-worth of additional tax hikes announced in the 2016 national Budget and R31bn in additional spending cuts of R15bn and R16bn announced in the 2016 and 2017 national budgets, respectively.

The latest monthly government budget figures for December 2017 suggest revenues are likely to undershoot the February 2017 estimates by close to R50bn, broadly in line with the government’s estimates outlined in the October 2017 medium-term budget.

The value-added tax (VAT) rate in South Africa was last raised to 14% in 1993 (from 10%) and remains below that of a number of the country’s emerging-market peers. Moreover, South Africa’s narrow tax base makes the case for a rise in VAT over a further increase in personal income-tax rates. The Treasury’s tax statistics suggest about 1.7m taxpayers were responsible for 78% of all personal income tax collected in the 2016–17 financial year. This points to a tax base that is too dependent on a small number of individuals.

Although raising VAT is a more effective way of increasing revenues, it would be a controversial decision ahead of national polls in 2019. In Momentum Investments’ opinion, a number of alternative revenue-raising options to raising VAT exist at this stage (see the table below).

These include allowing for limited compensation for fiscal drag (the government was able to collect R12bn through this avenue in the previous fiscal year); removing the VAT zero-rating on fuel (this could raise up to R18bn but prove contentious, as the taxi industry is a powerful constituency within the ruling party); and raising sin taxes (on alcoholic beverages and tobacco). The government raised R2bn from the latter in the previous fiscal year.

Momentum Investments believes that raising the top marginal tax rate from 45% would hurt already fragile consumer confidence and subdued household spend. Similarly, the company does not expect a hike in the company tax rate (currently at 28%). Previously, the Davis Tax Committee alluded to a large gap between the headline and effective corporate tax rates in South Africa, suggesting a number of loopholes needed to be addressed before considering a hike in the company tax rate.

The government has additionally committed to implementing the health promotion levy (or sugar tax) by April 1 2018, which could raise an additional R2bn. Moreover, wealth taxes have been debated, but SBG Securities estimates this could raise between R5bn and R8bn at most. In its February 2017 Budget, the government highlighted it was refining measures to prevent tax avoidance through the use of trusts, which could boost revenue collection at the margin.

Wealth taxes have been debated, but SBG Securities estimates this could raise between R5bn and R8bn at most
Absa notes the government could consider removing the VAT exemption on municipal property rates to generate higher revenues. The February 2017 Budget showed this exemption amounted to R10.5bn in the 2014–15 financial year.

While previously the Davis Tax Committee acknowledged VAT as a potential source of funding for additional spending needs, such as the National Health Insurance scheme, recent comments made by the current health minister hinted at using medical tax credits as an alternative source of funding. The minister noted that 8.8m people belonged to a medical scheme. This could provide about R20bn in tax credits per year, which would be sufficient to cover the health ministry’s priority programmes (amounting to R69bn over four years).

Also, the Treasury published its Draft Carbon Tax Bill for public comment, open until March 2018. The actual date of the carbon tax has not yet been announced, but the Treasury noted it would be complemented by a package of tax incentives and revenue-recycling measures to minimise the effect on energy-intensive sectors in the first phase (up to 2022). The Treasury also said the effect of the tax in the first phase was designed to be revenue neutral, after taking the complementary measures into account.

Possible revenue measures
Fiscal drag: Intake – R12bn (last year); likelihood: very high probability
Fuel levies or VAT on fuel: Intake – R3.2bn (last year) or R18.2bn; likelihood: high probability
Sin taxes (alcohol and tobacco): Intake – R2bn (last year); likelihood: high probability
Sugar tax: Intake – R2bn; likelihood: bill passed and due for implementation
Wealth tax: Intake – R5bn–R8bn; likelihood: high probability – delays?
Carbon tax: Intake – initially revenue neutral; likelihood: high probability – draft bill out for public comment
Removal of medical aid tax credit: Intake – R20bn or R2bn (above R750,000); likelihood: moderate probability (higher in medium term)
Dividend withholding tax: Intake – R6.8bn (last year); likelihood: moderate probability (increased previously)
Taxing top marginal bracket: Intake – R4.4bn (last year); likelihood: low probability (steep increase previously)
VAT (0.5% increase): Intake – R11.5bn (last year); likelihood: low probability (higher in medium term)
Company tax increase: Intake – ?; likelihood: low probability (negative business sentiment)

(Source: Nedbank, RMBMS, SBG Securities, national Treasury, Momentum Investments)

While the revenue shortfall for the 2017–18 financial year is in large part due to lower growth outcomes, lower tax buoyancy rates (tax revenue growth per unit of gross domestic product growth) exacerbated low revenue outcomes.

Media reports have suggested the hit to institutional credibility at the South African Revenue Service has negatively affected personal and corporate tax morality. The overall tax buoyancy ratio dipped to 1.01 in the 2016–17 financial year, but the Treasury anticipates a recovery to 1.31 in 2018–19 before a decline to 1.1 in 2020–21 (still above the long-term average of 1.08). A further breakdown of the Treasury’s tax buoyancy projections suggest a sharp pick-up in the company tax and VAT buoyancy rates in the medium term.

By Sanisha Packirisamy and Herman van Papendorp for Business Live

Update: President Jacob Zuma resigned with immediate effect on Wednesday evening, one hour before his deadline was up.  There is, however, still the matter of making official the appointment of Cyril Ramaphosa as the president of the republic.

Although the ANC has recalled President Jacob Zuma, it was still insisting on Tuesday that he had done nothing wrong.

Speaker after speaker at Monday night’s special national executive committee (NEC) meeting said Zuma should go for a range of reasons, central to which was the ANC’s electoral performance and the effect that his remaining head of state could have on the party.

On Tuesday, the net continued to tighten around Zuma.

The ANC said it was waiting for his response on Wednesday. Should he refuse to resign, the ANC said it would be forced to remove him in Parliament.

Zuma is expected to address the nation on Wednesday. The Presidency could, however, not be reached to confirm this.

As the ANC notified him formally of its decision to recall him, National Director of Public Prosecutions Shaun Abrahams gave the prosecution team dealing with Zuma’s corruption, fraud and racketeering charges until February 23 to provide their recommendations. This was after Zuma made fresh representations in January on why he should not be prosecuted. If Zuma declines the ANC offer to let him resign it will pave the way for his removal through a motion of no confidence.

In the past eight motions of no confidence against him, the ANC stuck to the party line that he should not be removed. It was only in the last motion that some of the party’s MPs voted differently in a secret ballot vote.

The party line this time will be that Zuma must go.

Business Day understands that the NEC has given the ANC caucus in the National Assembly the task of devising a strategy for his removal should he refuse to heed the recall.

The ANC chief whip has been instructed to brief the caucus, which is expected to meet on Wednesday morning while the ANC awaits a “response” from Zuma on the unanimous NEC decision to recall him. A cabinet meeting scheduled for Wednesday has been postponed.

While ANC secretary- general Ace Magashule told journalists that there was no decision on a motion of no confidence in Parliament, it is understood that the NEC agreed that should Zuma fail to resign Parliamentary processes would kick in.

Immediately after the ANC’s briefing, the rand weakened from R11.92 to the dollar to R11.98. Analysts said there was concern in the market that Zuma had not been given a deadline by which to resign. At 6.30pm on Tuesday, the rand firmed marginally against the dollar, to R11.96. Before Magashule’s announcement it had reached a best intraday level of R11.87.

According to sources who took part in the NEC meeting, which started at 2pm on Monday afternoon and dragged on into the early hours of Tuesday, the possibility of court action against the recall was also raised. This emerged amid reports that Transform SA — a Zuma-aligned lobby group — had launched a legal bid to challenge the outcome of the NEC meeting.

According to senior ANC leaders, Zuma was “very angry” and may not resign voluntarily.

Magashule confirmed that the NEC had rejected Zuma’s request for a further three months in office to “introduce” incoming president Cyril Ramaphosa to international bodies such as Brics and the Southern African Development Community. It is understood that even those who were seen to be staunch supporters of Zuma’s have indicated that it is time for him to go.

Zuma’s preferred candidate for the presidency, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, while diplomatic about the matter, indicated at the NEC meeting that Zuma could not see his term out or deliver the state of the nation address.

When asked for the NEC’s reasons for recalling Zuma and whether it related to allegations of state capture, Magashule was emphatic, saying the president had not been found guilty of any wrongdoing.

Magashule said the reason for the recalled was that the party wanted Ramaphosa in the position of president and for him to deliver the state of the nation address. Magashule said that when a deployee of the ANC was recalled the party expected that person to comply.

For now, the ANC was giving Zuma “time and space”.

Magashule said Zuma was a “disciplined member” and he believed that the president would make the right decision, but again pleaded for time.

“The national executive committee firmly believes that this situation requires us to act with urgency in order to steer our country towards greater levels of unity, renewal and hope.

“We are determined to restore the integrity of the public institutions, create political stability and urgent economic recovery,” Magashule said.

By Natasha Marrian and Genevieve Quintal for Business Live

Zuma must go before SONA

The ANC’s national working committee (NWC) has instructed the party’s top 6 officials to tell President Jacob Zuma to step down, sources have told News24.

The party’s NWC held its first meeting on Monday, since being elected two weeks ago.

News24 understands that some members of the NWC want Zuma to resign before the State of the Nation Address, which will take place in two weeks’ time.

Officials are expected to meet with Zuma as early as this week to inform him of the party’s decision.

“The NWC decided that the officials must tell him to resign and they are working to ensure that it happens before SONA,” one NWC member told News24.

Another source said there was a call in the meeting for an emergency national executive committee (NEC) meeting if the officials failed to “confront” Zuma about his resignation.

Zuma’s job as head of state has been in the balance since Cyril Ramaphosa won the hotly contested election for ANC president in December, with some of his supporters calling for Zuma’s immediate recall.

Senior party members are worried about the impact his protracted stay will have on the ANC’s performance in the 2019 general elections.

Despite NEC members telling News24 that there was a decision to remove Zuma as head of state, the party’s secretary general denied this during a post-NEC media briefing.

Over the weekend, Ace Magashule, speaking at an ANC Youth League event in KwaZulu-Natal, said there was no decision for Zuma to resign, and “it is only factional leaders who want to be populist”.

His deputy Jessie Duarte told City Press that Zuma would stay in office until the end of his term in 2019. This was in sharp contrast to Ramaphosa’s comments to international media indicating that there were talks on Zuma’s departure.

By Tshidi Madia and Mahlatse Mahlase for News24

The rand eased in early trade on Tuesday, relinquishing some of the gains it notched up in a previous session on news that the ruling political party, the ANC was deciding whether to cut short president Jacob Zuma’s tenure as head of state.

According to a report by Reuters, the currency is expected to trade in the range of R12.00 to R12.25 on Wednesday, after it eased off its highs against the dollar during European trade on Monday.
The currency is tracking a wave of positive sentiment following the appointment of deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa, as ANC leader in December, while the ruling party’s top leadership has also decided that Zuma must leave office, with speculation about the timing.

Ramaphosa is expected to adopt more business-friendly policies, even though he enjoys the support of the communist party and the biggest labor union federation. His election as ANC leader helped boost the rand 10% last month.

At 09h55 on Tuesday, the rand softened against the dollar, but firmed against the pound and the euro:
• Dollar/Rand: R12.09 0.33%
• Pound/Rand: R16.90 -0.13%
• Euro/Rand: R14.83 -1.43%

A report by The Guardian late on Monday reiterated that plans are in place to oust Zuma within the next two weeks, despite comments from secretary general Ace Magashule that NEC had not yet made a decision on the future of the current president.

Investec Bank economist Annabel Bishop said in a note at the start of the week that the rand could strengthen to as much as R11 to the dollar, should the president be forced to step down.
Further strengthening would also cause fuel price cuts and place downward pressure on inflation, with the possibility of the rand moving towards R10 to the dollar should Ramaphosa continue to make reforms and promote growth, she said.

Bloomberg market analyst Robert Brand also remained positive on the currency, stating that it was possible for Ramaphosa to continue the rally by continuing to clamp down on corrupt state-owned enterprises such as Eskom, and possibly even move away from some of the ANC’s more populist ideas (such as land reform) so as to encourage continued foreign investment.

Source: BusinessTech

Round one to Ramaphosa

Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa is leading the nominations for the ANC presidency, after all nine provinces completed their provincial general councils.

Ramaphosa now has 1 861 branch nominations, compared to Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma’s 1 309.

It means he has a 552-branch nomination lead.

However, the figure excludes the 223 Mpumalanga branch nominations, where the word “unity” was written next to the name of the top six delegates.

The “unity” nominations were recorded as abstentions, even though the numbers were higher than those of Ramaphosa and Dlamini-Zuma.

Ramaphosa has the nod from five provinces: Gauteng, Northern Cape, Eastern Cape, Western Cape, and Limpopo.

Dlamini-Zuma has the most support from KwaZulu-Natal, North West, Free State and Mpumalanga.

The nomination process was completed when Dlamini-Zuma won 433 nominations from her home province. However, Ramaphosa made inroads, garnering 193 nominations.

Ramaphosa gathered the following nominations per province:

KwaZulu-Natal – 193

Mpumalanga – 117

Limpopo – 391

Gauteng – 374

North West – 44

Northern Cape – 154

Western Cape – 121

Free State – 44

Eastern Cape – 423

Dlamini-Zuma gathered the following nominations per province:

KwaZulu-Natal – 433

Mpumalanga – 123

Limpopo – 104

Gauteng – 64

North West – 291

Northern Cape – 11

Western Cape – 13

Free State – 209

Eastern Cape – 61

‘It’s not over until it is over’

However, Ramaphosa’s toughest challenge is that Dlamini-Zuma has the support of the biggest provinces, who are sending more delegates to the fiercely-contested conference.

The conference will get under way on December 16 in Johannesburg.

While each branch gets to nominate – some branches get more than one vote. The bigger the branch, the more delegates it can send to the conference.

A Dlamini-Zuma campaigner said the nomination process was not a true reflection of what was likely to be the outcome as they expect Mpumalanga’s 223 “unity” nominations to be in her favour.

“We are counting warm bodies that will be on the conference floor when the conference gets under way, and we have the numbers,” he said.

If the “unity” nominations go to Dlamini-Zuma, Ramaphosa’s lead is reduced to just 329.

If the ANC Women’s League and ANC Youth League, that have officially endorsed Dlamini-Zuma, give her their 60 nominations each, that decreases Ramaphosa’s lead by a further 120 as they are expected to get 60 nominations each.

However, Ramaphosa is expected to get sizeable nominations from the Veteran’s League and the national executive committee (NEC) that could push up his numbers.

A senior NEC member said the final tally will only be clearer when credentials are adopted on the first day of the conference, as some branches are still rerunning their branch general meetings to nominate leaders.

“So, it is not over until it is over,” he said.

By Mahlatse Mahlase for News24

The ANC says it is confident that its wooing of the EFF to support its motion of no confidence against City of Johannesburg Mayor Herman Mashaba and DA speaker Vasco da Gama will yield results, after the EFF expressed regret over backing the mayor.

ANC Johannesburg spokesperson Jolidee Matongo told News24 that ANC provincial chair Paul Mashatile has been handling the talks with the EFF’s national leadership in the party’s attempt to oust Mashaba.

He has acknowledged that the ANC will need the EFF to back the motion this week.

“We think they may support us to remove Mashaba but they may not support us to bring the ANC back in power, but it’s a discussion we are prepared to have with the EFF at the right time,” Matongo said.

The talks are expected continue until just before the motion, Matongo said.

The Johannesburg council is set to sit on Wednesday and Thursday, with the ANC pushing for the motion against Mashaba to be heard on Wednesday. However, the DA wants the debate heard on Thursday.

‘Revolutionary forces should join hands’

The ANC has been buoyed by Malema’s recent comments at the Daily Maverick’s The Gathering that the EFF “made a mistake backing Mashaba”.

He said when faced with a choice between an “ANC mayor with a history of immediate corruption and a mayor of the DA who has no history of anything except selling hair products, you are bound to try the hair product man”, the Business Day reported.

Matongo said the comments were a sign that the EFF could back the ANC in council.

“We are confident, having listened to the EFF and read their seven cardinal pillars and everything they stand for and, given the situation in Joburg, [that] all revolutionary and democratic forces should join hands and take Mashaba out of office,” he said.

The ANC currently has 119 councillors in the 270-seat council. It said it already had the support of the Patriotic Alliance, with one seat, and the African Independent Congress, with four.

However, it will need the EFF’s 30 seats to secure a simple majority to remove Mashaba.

Matongo said talks with other smaller parties, including the IFP, were also in progress.

Attempts to reach the EFF were unsuccessful.

‘ANC incredibly nervous’

The DA sent out an email to supporters titled “We could lose Jozi”.

The party, which has 104 seats, has dismissed the motion as “frivolous and a diversion” by the ANC from claims by the DA that it has uncovered fraud and corruption amounting to up to R12bn since taking over the municipality from the ANC in 2016.

Mashaba’s spokesperson Luyanda Mfeka said the party was not worried about the motion.

“The sheer number of corruption investigations has made the ANC incredibly nervous,” he said explaining that the party was now doing everything in its power to remove Mashaba from office.

“I can’t speak for the EFF, but they have been on record on their opinion of ANC and their record of corruption… we can’t imagine them voting with the ANC,” he said.

The ANC and DA have been in public spats over allegations that the city’s finances are in the red, with the ANC claiming that the metro is on the “brink of collapse”.

The ANC claims that the DA has failed to provide proof of the multi-billion rand corruption it claims to have uncovered and is instead using the claims to tarnish the ANC’s image ahead of the 2019 elections which are expected to be hard-fought.

“They don’t have a plan for the city but paint the ANC with the brush of corruption so that when we go to 2019 they can say the ANC has a corrupt administration,” Matongo said.

The DA has, in turn, dismissed claims that the city is on the brink of collapse, blaming the city’s financial challenges on projects it inherited from the ANC government.

By Mahlatse Mahlase for News24

ANC to punish those who are anti-Zuma

The ANC says it intends to discipline three MPs who openly voiced their opposition to President Jacob Zuma ahead of last week’s motion of no confidence.

The three who did so are former finance minister Pravin Gordhan, former tourism minister Derek Hanekom and MP Makhosi Khoza.

This is according to ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe, who addressed journalists during a roundtable discussion on Tuesday.

Calls from Zuma and his backers grew at the weekend for those who voted against him to be punished.

Mantashe was speaking after a meeting of the party’s national working committee on Monday.

He said the ANC would not hunt down MPs who voted in favour of last week’s motion of no confidence against Zuma‚ but would discipline party members who had confirmed voting with the opposition.

Those who kept their vote a secret would not face any charges, he said.

Mantashe was speaking after a meeting of the party’s national working committee where the matter is said to have dominated discussions.

“There is not going to be a witch hunt. We are not going to do that. (But) where MPs go up and confirm‚ we’ll have to deal with that situation.”

Mantashe also revealed that the ANC would take action in the matter involving Deputy Higher Education and Training Minister Mduduzi Manana.

By Natasha Marrian and Sibongakonke Shoba for Business Day

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My Office News Ⓒ 2017 - Designed by A Collective


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